THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


A   COLLOQUY 


Heartman's  Historical  Series  No.  23 


A  COLLOQUY 

ON 

THE  NECESSITY 

OF 

CLERGY  IN  GOVERNMENT 

WRITTEN  ABOUT  1799 


With  an  Introduction  by 
>RSE 


SLIP  OF  ERRATA 


Page  34,  line  22;    Expiration 
Page  37,  line  3;    Piratical 

Page  42,  second  line  from  bottom; 
Fiends 


The  opinion  is  expressed  that  this  play 
is  written  by  Th.  Day 


?inal  Manuscript 


Hoartman's  Historical  Series  No.  23 


A   COLLOQUY 

ON 

THE  NECESSITY 

OF 

CLERGY  IN  GOVERNMENT 

WRITTEN  ABOUT  1799 


With  an  Introduction  by 
ANSON  ELY  MORSE 


Fifty  copies  reprinted  from  the  Original  Manuscript 
for  Charles  F.  Heartman 

1917 


Number. .  rTTC of  50  copies  printed 

on  Fabriano  hand-made  paper. 

Also  six  copies  printed  on  Japan  Vel- 
lum. 


INTRODUCTION 

This  "Colloquy  on  the  Necessity  of  Clergy  in 

Government"   reproduces   vividly   the   passions, 

prejudices  and  political  opinions  of  the  period 

from  1795  until  1815  and  after.    It  was  evidently 

f£     written  about  1800  by  a  New  Englander  of  very 

moderate  Federalistic  beliefs. 

&         The   characters   in   the   Colloquy   are   three. 
w      Grenville  voices  the  convictions  of  that  intolerable 
r:     wing  of  the  intolerant  "Boston  Faction,"  the 
Essex  Junto,  which  was  never  noted  for  sweet 
§?     reasonableness,  broad  political   intelligence,  or, 
*}     after  1800,  for  patriotism.    In  him  Fisher  Ames 
§     and  Timothy  Pickering  at  their  worst,  struggle 
for  utterance.    While  in  his  antagonist  Belmont 
the  rabid  or  foolish  sentiments  and  delusions  of 
^     Thomas    Jefferson,    Gideon  Granger,    Abraham 
Bishop  or  Benjamin  Austin  are  fully  exploited 
o     Lawrence  is  no  less  unusual  and  far  from  typical 
§     in  his  ideas.    He  presents  the  viewpoint  of  an 
jfj      extremely  liberal  and  tolerant  Federalist.    Per- 
cj     sons  of  such  beliefs  together  with  the  average 
<     moderate  Federalist  were  responsible  for  the  fail- 
ure of  the  disunionist  faction  of  their  party  to 
carry  out  its  treasonable  designs  between  1800 
and  1815. 

The  title,  however,  is  a  misnomer,  for  there  is 
almost  nothing  in  the  Colloquy  concerning  this 
"Necessity  of  the  Clergy  in  Government"  It  is 


44725? 


singular  that  the  clergy  are  so  neglected,  for  their 
political  power  in  the  North  at  this  time  was 
extraordinarily  great.  Passing  reference,  in- 
deed, is  made  to  the  patriotic  endeavors  of  the 
ministers  during  the  Revolution  but  their  in- 
valuable aid  in  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
is  overlooked,  as  well  as  their  decisive  stand  for 
government  during  the  critical  times  just  after 
the  Revolution  and  during  the  height  of  the  ex- 
citement caused  by  the  French  Revolution. 
Nothing  is  said  of  the  current  conviction  that 
good  government  is  founded  upon  religion  and 
that  without  the  latter  the  former  is  impossible. 
To  a  New  Englander  of  that  period  the  vital  im- 
portance of  the  clergy  was  indisputable.  The 
French  Revolution  was,  if  any  proof  were  needed, 
incontrovertible  evidence. 

Liberalism  in  religious  polity  and  belief  had 
grown  slowly  in  New  England  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  After  the  Rev- 
olution a  concerted  drive  on  Congregationalism 
and  its  alliance  with  the  state  was  made  by  the 
various  sects  of  Baptists,  Methodists  and  Uni- 
versalists  and  in  Connecticut  by  the  Episcopalians. 
The  Revolution  had  to  a  certain  extent  loosened 
the  shackles  which  in  democratic  eyes  bound  the 
people  to  degrading  submission  to  the  clergy. 

It  was  not  until  1795  that  Democratic  dislike  of 
"pulpit  drummers"  broke  out  in  virulent  form. 
The  chief  cause  was  the  complete  change  in  the 
attitude  of  the  clergy  toward  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. At  first  they  admired,  then  distrusted  and 
finally  openly  denounced  and  vehemently  attacked 

8 


France  and  its  adherents  in  this  country  who, 
they  declared,  "ought  to  be  treated  as  enemies  of 
their  country."  The  people  were  desired  to  mark 
such  and  to  "let  them  wear  the  stigma  of  reproach 
due  to  the  perfidious  betrayers  of  their  country . . . 
Of  all  traitors,  they  are  the  most  aggravatedly 
criminal;  of  all  villians,  they  are  the  most  in- 
famous and  detestable."  This  violent  attitude 
was  largely  due  to  the  conviction  that  the  French 
infidelity  was  a  real  and  growing  menace  to  both 
religion  and  good  government ;  that  the  American 
people  were  being  lead  astray  partly  by  their 
excessive  and  unbounded  enthusiasm  for  all 
things  French  and  partly  by  a  systematic  propa- 
ganda carried  on  by  atheistical  missionaries  and 
"by  the  importation  of  pamphlets  and  pocket 
volumes  for  the  common  people  and  histories  and 
encyclopedias  for  the  learned."  It  was  affirmed 
as  a  result  that  "multitudes  had  turned  downright 
deists."  However  extravagant  this  statement  may 
be  the  circulation  of  Paine's  Age  of  Reason — in  at 
least  eight  American  editions  before  1796— of 
Ethan  Allen's  Oracles  of  Reason  and  other  books 
of  similar  import  indicate  a  wide-spread  interest 
among  the  laity  which  greatly  scandalized  the 
clergy.  The  anxiety  of  the  godly  turned  into 
panic  with  the  widely  trumpeted  discovery  in 
1798  of  a  "plot"  by  the  Illuminanti  to  destroy 
religion.  The  clergy  greatly  disturbed  before 
were  now  thoroughly  aroused.  They  echoed  the 
sentiments  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dana  of  Newburyport, 
who  declared  in  a  sermon  that  their  political  and 
religious  interests  did  not  have  in  the  American 


9 


Revolution  that  "close  and  indissoluble  connec- 
tion" which  they  now  possess.  "Shall  those  then," 
he  asked,  "who  are  set  for  the  defense  of  the 
Gospel . .  basely  desert  their  posts  ?"  On  the  con- 
trary his  people  could  rest  assured  that  their 
pastor's  "efforts,  however  feeble,  shall  not  be 
wanting  to  the  cause  of  his  threatened  and  suffer- 
ing country." 

How  this  dangerous  irreligious  influence  from 
abroad  was  looked  upon  is  well  illustrated  by  an 
extract  from  a  famous  sermon  preached  by  Pres- 
ident Dwight  of  Yale.  "For  what  end,"  he  de- 
manded, "shall  we  be  connected  with  the  French . . 
is  it  that  our  churches  may  become  the  temples  of 
reason,  our  Sabbath  a  decade,  that  we  may  change 
our  holy  worship  into  a  dance  of  Jacobin  phrenzy, 
and  that  we  may  behold  a  strumphet  personating 
a  Goddess  on  the  altar  of  JEHOVAH?  Shall  our 
sons  become  the  disciples  of  Voltaire  .  .  .  or  our 
daughters  the  concubines  of  the  Illuminanti  ?" 

Among  the  "wise  and  virtuous"  the  Democrats 
were  regarded  as  dangerous  enemies  to  both 
church  and  state.  When,  as  not  infrequently 
happened,  pointed  remarks  in  church  displeased 
the  Democrats,  they  would  rise  and  stalk  out.  On 
one  such  occasion  a  well  known  divine  paused  in 
his  sermon  to  remark  to  his  remaining  parishion- 
ers that  he  was  pleased  to  find  he  possessed  one  of 
the  apostolic  gifts  namely  the  power  of  casting 
out  devils.  This  viewpoint  was  not  unusual. 
When  the  War  of  1812  was  declared,  the  minister 
at  Groton,  Mass.,  preached  from  John  8:44,  "Ye 
are  of  your  father,  the  Devil;  and  the  lusts  of 


10 


your  father  ye  will  do."  The  application  of  the 
text  was  the  likening  of  President  Madison  to 
Beelzebub  and  the  members  of  Congress  who 
voted  for  the  war  to  the  subordinate  devils  who 
did  his  bidding.  As  late  as  1816  the  Hartford 
Courant,  the  leading  paper  of  Connecticut,  as- 
serted "It  is  true  that  we  can  scarce  converse  with 
a  Democrat — can  hardly  look  upon  a  Democratic 
newspaper  but  we  are  offended  with  some  polit- 
ical, religious  or  moral  abomination."  Jefferson 
commonly  likened  to  Jereboam  by  the  pious  in 
New  England,  a  man  of  peace  and  caution,  who 
fought  usually  from  a  safe  distance,  threw  prud- 
ence aside  and  raged,  regardless  of  consequences, 
if  he  saw  a  chance  to  smite  the  New  England 
clergy. 

The  Democrats  did  not  receive  these  verbal 
chastisements  with  meekness  or  penitential 
humility.  Loudly  they  reviled  these  clerical 
meddlers  and  worked  industriously  to  overthrow 
their  influence  and  undermine  their  authority. 
The  National  Aegis,  a  paper  founded  at  Worcester 
by  Jefferson's  postmaster-general  declared  in 
1802  that  the  clergy  "forgetful  of  primitive  pur- 
ity, .have  by  calumnies,  misrepresentations  and 
baseness,  with  a  turpitude  of  heart,  black  and 
gangrened,  been  laboring  to  ...  sink  to  scorn  and 
execration  a  faithful  and  virtuous  administra- 
tion." This  is  far  more  severe  than  the  usual 
mild  attack  upon  the  clergy  in  New  England. 
The  Democratic  papers  outside  of  New  England 
were  not  deterred  by  piety,  prudence  or  pro- 
priety. 

11 


This  play  is  both  valuable  and  interesting  as 
it  pictures  the  storm  and  passions  of  a  time  when 
bitter  partizanship  divided  the  country  into 
parties  whose  policies  and  predilections  were  more 
alien  than  American. 

ANSON  ELY  MORSE. 
Amherst,  Mass., 

March  20,  1917. 


12 


CHARACTERS 

GRENVILLE  a  Monarchist 

BELMONT a  Democrat 

LAWRENCE  .  ..a  Federalist 


A  COLLOQUY  ON  CLERGY 
IN  GOVERNMENT 

ENTER   BELMONT   AND   GRENVILLE 

Grenville 

Mr.  Belmont,  having  lately  paid  some  attention 
to  the  political  situation  of  our  country,  I  confess 
that  to  me  its  prospects  appear  gloomy  and  por- 
tentious.  I  have  not  the  most  distant  idea  that 
our  present  government  will  ever  be  established 
on  solid  foundations;  and  candor  obliges  me  to 
acknowledge  my  indifference  to  its  existence. 
Experience  though  very  short  has  yet  been 
sufficiently  long  to  discover  many  radical  defects 
in  the  federal  constitution  and  I  firmly  believe 
that  if  these  defects  are  not  soon  remedied 
anarchy  will  soon  usurp  the  place  of  government 
and  reign  triumphant. 

Belmont 

I  too,  Mr.  Grenville,  have  had  my  doubts  with 
respect  to  the  permanency  of  the  federal  consti- 
tution, but  whether  it  remains  permanent  or  not, 
in  either  case  I  feel  equally  secure ;  because  after 
the  ensuing  election  which  I  am  confident  will 
redound  to  the  everlasting  honor  of  the  victorious 
"friends  of  liberty,"  the  patriotic  character  then 
at  the  helm  will  preserve  in  their  native  purity  the 
principles  of  liberty,  and  after  the  completion  of 
another  census,  I  shall  be  under  no  apprehensions 


15 


for  the  success  of  Republicanism,  because  the  pop- 
ulation in  the  middle  and  southern  states  has  in- 
creased much  more  in  proportion  than  that  in 
New  England ;  of  course  we  may  confidently  calcu- 
late on  a  majority  of  Republicans  in  the  succeed- 
ing congress.  This  being  the  fact,  no  danger 
need  be  apprehended  from  the  energetic  part  of 
our  present  aristocratic  constitution.  But  should 
the  constitution  be  subverted  another  would 
spring  up  from  the  ashes  perfectly  free  in  its 
principles  and  completely  destitute  of  "British" 
doctrines. 

Grenville 

I  regret,  Belmont,  that  our  opinions  are  so 
diametrically  opposite.  That  sentiments  so  di- 
rectly hostile  to  the  very  existence  of  civil  so- 
ciety should  be  espoused  by  you  is  not  only  aston- 
ishing but  perfectly  inexplicable.  (The  very  in- 
stant) Whenever  those  sentiments  gain  general 
ground  the  happiness  of  America  is  at  an  end ;  to 
prevent  their  spread  and  to  counteract  their 
dreadful  consequences  demands  the  unremitted 
exertions  of  every  friend  to  his  country.  'Tis  im- 
possible for  me  to  conceive  how  you  can  wish  for  a 
government  more  free  than  our  present  one;  for 
my  part  it  has  been  my  prevailing  opinion  for 
three  years  past  that  the  American  people  enjoy 
too  much  freedom ;  the  licentiousness  of  the  pub- 
lic papers  amounts  to  a  complete  demonstration 
of  the  fact,  and  I  sincerely  believe,  the  happiness 
of  the  United  States  will  never  be  secure,  'til  a 
government  more  firm  and  energetic  is  estab- 
lished. 

16 


Belmont 

Pray,  Sir,  what  are  your  reasons  for  entertain- 
ing so  despicable  an  opinion  as  this?  Should  it 
become  general  (in  any  extensive  degree)  mon- 
archy must  be  the  consequence. 

Grenville 

I  will  tell  you,  Sir ;  the  ignorance  of  the  people 
is  great,  and  their  disposition  to  embrace  the 
means  of  knowledge  is  weak  and  languid.  The 
human  passions  are  excessively  fiery  and  im- 
petuous; the  consequences  of  this  general  state 
of  things,  together  with  the  want  of  fin'd  habits 
and  an  uniform  national  character  are  not  only 
incompatible  with  the  perpetuation  of  a  govern- 
ment of  persuasion  over  the  whole  United  States, 
but  insuperable  barriers  to  its  existence  for  any 
length  of  time. 

Belmont 

This  is  the  first  time  I  ever  heard  the  people 
who  have  been  emphatically  stiPd  an  "impartial 
and  enlightened  tribunal"  branded  with  the  op- 
probrious and  disgraceful  epithet  "ignorant"; 
What !  Are  the  independent  freemen  of  America 
before  whom  in  point  of  knowledge  the  world 
shrinks  back  and  dreads  a  comparison  to  be  re- 
proached for  their  ignorance? 

Grenville 

Ever  since  the  Revolution  the  "good  sense"  and 
highly  "enlightened"  situation  of  "the  people" 
have  been  the  favorite  topic  of  orations  and  de- 

17 


clamations  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the 
other;  yet  this  same  "enlightened  tribunal"  have 
exhibited  to  the  world  their  superlatively  pro- 
found "good  sense"  by  electing  to  a  seat  in  con- 
gress the  gentleman  who  first  had  the  honor  of 
being  convicted  and  punish'd  for  sedition:  They 
have  patronis'd  the  "scape  gallowses"  of  Europe ; 
have  thought  it  a  duty  not  only  to  resist  but  also 
to  excite  insurrection  against  the  government 
chosen  by  themselves  and  to  clamor  against  taxes 
which  were  the  unavoidable  consequences  of  their 
disorganizing  and  iniquitous  conduct  and  in  addi- 
tion to  all  this,  bribery  has  elevated  to  high  offices 
many  a  villain.  If  these  facts  and  a  general 
diffusion  of  knowledge  throughout  the  nation  are 
not  incompatible,  I'll  give  up  the  question. 

Belmont 

Two-thirds  of  what  you  say,  Grenville,  is 
nothing  but  an  infamous,  vile,  aristocratical  fab- 
rication. Tories  and  Monarchists  are  constantly 
dressing  up  some  scarecrows  to  prejudice  the  peo- 
ple against  Republicanism  and  frighten  them  into 
despotism. 

Grenville 

All  that  I  have  said  is  fact  (and  for  the  truth 
of  it  I  appeal  to  everyone  present)  and  in  conse- 
quence of  this  conduct  our  country  is  on  the  very 
brink  of  anarchy  and  civil  war. 

Belmont 
On  the  brink  of  anarchy  and  civil  war !  There's 


18 


no  kind  of  foundation  for  the  supposition ;  it  is  a 
mere  monarchical  bugbear,  and  if  you'll  trace  it 
up  to  its  source,  I'll  venture  my  life  you'll  find  it 
to  be  the  fabrication  of  some  superstitious  bigoted 
old  "priest":  The  "priests"  (particularly  those 
of  Connecticut)  have  been  celebrated  for  their 
ingenious  fabrications,  and  within  a  few  years 
their  industry  has  (inundated  this  country  with 
*  *  *  lies  about  ghosts,  witches  and  illumi- 
natical  Hobgoblins)  thrown  into  circulation  thou- 
sands of  lies,  by  which  means  the  country  is  inun- 
dated with  stories  of  ghosts,  witches  and  Illumi- 
natical  Hobgoblins. 

Grenville 

This,  Belmont,  is  nothing  less  than  the  most 
wilful  misrepresentation,  and  the  very  circum- 
stance that  half  America  believes  such  notorious 
falsehood  proves  incontrovertibly  their  wretched 
and  profound  ignorance. 

Belmont 

I  have  no  doubt,  Sir,  of  the  fact,  for  in  addition 
to  newspaper  paragraphs,  fast  day  sermons  and 
other  demonstrative  evidence  of  the  fact,  we  have 
the  testimony  of  the  ingenious,  the  poetical  and 
the  philosophical  Barlow,  of  him  who  has  nobly 
dar'd  in  opposition  to  the  bigoted  and  inquisitorial 
prejudices  of  his  countrymen,  to  throw  off  the 
shackles  of  superstition  and  priestcraft  and  assert 
the  genuine  right  of  men  and  conscience. 

Grenville 

I  am  perfectly  willing  to  allow  the  testimony 
19 


of  (Joel)  sic  Barlow  its  full  weight;  (for  out  of 
the  two  thousand  five  hundred  who  have  received 
their  education  at  this  college,  many  have  been  a 
disgrace  both  to  themselves  and  this  institution, 
yet  among  that  numerous  body,  no  name  of  which 
I  have  heard  has  so  many  legal  pretensions  to  the 
title  of  "infamous"  as  that  of  Joel  Barlow;  at  the 
very  thought  of  him  Hypocrecy  blushes.  He 
has  dar'd  to  curse  that  religion  by  proclaiming 
which  he  once  earn'd  his  bread!  Disappointed 
in  his  expectations  of  office  he  has  vilified  the 
characters  whom  for  the  sake  of  promotion  he 
once  extoll'd  to  heaven!  Connecticut  blushes 
when  compell'd  to  acknowledge  her  apostate  son; 
and  Yalensia  weeps  for  having  nourish'd  with 
her  milk  so  despicable  a  monster.  From  such 
characters  as  this,  Belmont,  you  derive  your  in- 
formation) but  I  can  inform  you  from  the  best 
authority  (that  disdains  a  comparison  with 
yours)  that  the  country  is  in  imminent  danger 
of  civil  commotions,  and  in  my  opinion  nothing 
can  prevent  them  but  a  more  energetic  govern- 
ment. 

Belmont 

In  the  year  Ninety-eight  I  was  alarm'd  for 
the  safety  of  liberty,  but  the  ground  for  alarm  is 
now  gone ;  I  then  thought  that  aristocracy  would 
gain  the  victory:  Soon  did  I  then  expect  to  see 
John  Adams  rolFd  on  the  "wheels  of  splendor" 
over  the  mangled  corpses  of  his  political  oppon- 
ents and  his  chariot  wheels  dripping  with  the 
sacred  blood  of  Republicans :  But  thank  God !  the 


20 


vigorous  exertions  of  the  Republican  party  have 
defeated  and  baffled  his  treasonable  machinations : 
The  Ides  of  March  will  soon  give  him  leisure  to 
revise  his  defense  of  monarchy,  and  with  rapture 
I  anticipate  the  prostration  of  aristocratic  obstin- 
acy before  the  sacred  and  divine  goddess  of  Re- 
publicanism :  Then  will  a  pure  Democratical  con- 
stitution being  firmly  establish'd  on  the  ruins 
and  complete  degradation  of  aristocracy  defy  the 
malignant  efforts  of  Monarchists,  old  tories  and 
the  British  faction! 

Grenville 

That  there  should  be  difference  of  opinion  on 
political  subjects  is  ever  to  be  expected  and  to 
condemn  a  man  for  his  opinions  when  form'd  on 
solid  grounds  and  after  mature  deliberation  is 
perhaps  uncharitable,  if  not  unjust;  But  when 
passionate  invection  is  substituted  for  calm  dis- 
cussion, when  the  darts  of  calumny  are  level'd  at 
the  most  virtuous  characters  in  existence,  and 
when  an  agonizing  state  of  jealousy  and  uncer- 
tainty usurps  the  place  of  confidence  and  security, 
I  confess  I  am  sick  of  the  liberty  which  origi- 
nates and  tolerates  such  a  state  of  things,  and 
'though  under  the  auspices  of  our  present  form 
of  government  the  country  has  made  astonishing 
progress  in  arts,  sciences  and  commerce,  and 
though  her  population  and  resources  have  in- 
creas'd  with  unexampled  rapidity,  yet  the  confu- 
sion, the  clamor  and  the  tumult  have  been  so 
great,  the  opposition  to  every  measure  of  govern- 
ment has  been  so  extensive,  I  confess  I  see  no  pros- 


21 


pect  of  a  peaceable  state  of  things,  I  therefore  ar- 
dently wish  and  most  devoutly  pray  for  a  strong 
government,  a  government  sufficiently  powerful  to 
crush  all  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  nation. 

Belmont 

That  a  man  of  your  respectability,  Grenville, 
whom  I  have  ever  suppos'd  to  be  warmly  at- 
tached to  the  principles  of  Republicanism  should 
now  veer  about  and  advance  sentiments  directly 
in  the  teeth  of  freedom  and  which  tend  to  the 
establishment  of  complete  despotism  is  truly  as- 
tonishing: But  notwithstanding  your  seeming 
warmth,  Grenville,  I  can't  yet  believe  that  you 
speak  your  real  sentiments.  You  are  only  ridi- 
culing ironically  the  bugbears  of  the  British  fac- 
tions. 

Grenville 

I  utter  the  genuine  sentiments  of  my  heart, 
and  will  give  you  my  reasons  for  entertaining 
them.  I  confess  that  I  was  once  a  dupe  to  the 
theoretical  nonsense  of  certain  Democratical  vis- 
ionaries, but  experience  has  taught  me  that  the 
picture  of  democracy  is  not  a  true  resemblance 
of  the  original,  and  that  while  she  resembles  the 
"painted  prostitute"  and  "whited  sepulchre" 
without,  she  is  full  of  filthiness  and  "dead  men's 
bones"  within.  The  Licentious  Goddess  coquet- 
tish in  her  disposition,  employs  her  dupes  for  her 
painters,  and  conscious  of  her  native  deformity 
appears  portray'd  like  the  "votary  of  Venus"  in 
splendid  garments.  No  wonder  then  that  I  young 


22 


and  inexperienc'd,  should  form  prepositions  in  her 
favor  from  the  false  representations  of  her  delud- 
ed followers:  but  I  apprehend  my  delusion  will 
appear  less  culpable,  when  it  is  considered  that 
my  ideas  were  in  union  with  those  of  my  superiors 
in  age  and  wisdom.  I  had  seen  three  millions  of 
virtuous  freemen  actuated  by  a  noble  zeal  in  de- 
fense of  liberty,  after  having  broken  the  fetters 
of  despotism,  form  and  adopt  with  little  conten- 
tion, comparatively  speaking,  a  constitution  which 
being  an  improvement  upon  all  previous  systems 
was  for  some  time  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
the  world. 

Although  I  thought  the  instrument  recognis'd 
too  many  "English"  principles,  and  that  some  of 
its  most  energetic  parts  were  not  perfectly  com- 
patible with  the  rights  of  the  "genuine  sons  of 
liberty"  yet  its  adoption  filPd  me  with  enthu- 
siasm: My  own  vanity  arising  from  the  circum- 
stance that  I  was  a  native  of  America,  contributed 
no  doubt  to  render  more  vivid  the  colours  of  the 
picture:  I  then  consider'd  the  prospects  of  this 
country  uncommonly  bright  and  cheering;  I 
thought  the  floodgates  of  happiness  were  thrown 
open  and  a  boundless  torrent  of  felicity  rushing 
in  upon  my  country!  (Methinks)  Methought  I 
then  saw  Columbia  like  the  rising  sun  ascending 
with  superior  and  increasing  brilliancy  to  the 
zenith  of  national  happiness  and  glory !  Even  the 
words  "United  States  of  America"  possess'd  a 
charm  that  came  home  to  my  heart  with  irresist- 
ible energy,  and  excited  in  my  breast  the  most 
pleasing  and  agreeable  emotions.  My  imagination 
depicted  them  as  a  "band  of  brothers"  firmly  unit- 


23 


ed  not  only  by  the  circumstance  of  their  having 
march'd  in  company  to  the  combat,  but  by  the 
more  powerful  ties  of  consanguinity  and  the  fed- 
eral compact.  In  anticipation  I  saw  them,  at 
home  free  from  party  spirit  and  faction,  reverenc- 
ing their  rulers,  strictly  obeying  laws  enacted  by 
themselves,  shutting  up  the  avenues  of  foreign  in- 
fluence and  firmly  united  in  support  of  laws  de- 
clar'd  constitutional  by  the  judiciary  and  a 
majority  of  the  nation: — abroad  respected  and 
(dreaded)  feared  by  all.  Young  and  ardent,  I 
already  saw  my  country  avenging  herself  on  the 
haughty  despots  who  had  ignominiously  attempt- 
ed to  crush  her  in  her  cradle ;  Kings  were  trembl- 
ing! thrones  were  tottering!  and  the  power  of 
monarchs  crumbling  to  dust  before  the  American 
trident!  In  short,  Sir,  if  luxuriant  harvests  had 
sprung  up  spontaneously  from  the  "sacred  soil  of 
liberty,"  and  in  fact,  if  the  air  had  become  nectar 
and  ambrosia,  under  the  influence  of  the  federal 
constitution,  I  should  not  have  been  astonish'd. 
This  is  a  faint  picture  of  my  anticipations,  but 
so  far  from  being  realized  it  has  prov'd  diametri- 
cally opposite  to  the  real  state  of  facts.  Although 
the  philanthropist  had  reason  to  think  that  liberty 
had  found  a  retreat  and  that  American  happiness 
was  based  on  (rocky)  a  foundation  (s)  (and)  of 
rock  though  the  country  has  in  fact  made  aston- 
ishing improvements,  and  notwithstanding  the 
circumstance  that  if  united  she  might  safely  mock 
the  efforts  of  the  universe,  (after  the  lapse  of  only 
thirteen  years)  we  find  this  same  prolific  land  of 
liberty  torn  by  parties!  Faction  has  reared  her 
disorganizing  head !  corruption  in  our  elections  is 


24 


openly  and  unblushingly  practis'd!  The  presses 
from  Florida  to  New  Brunswick  unceasingly  teem 
with  the  most  deadly  and  inveterate  calumny 
against  the  officers  of  government.  Volumes  of 
appeals  to  the  passions  of  the  people  and  folios  of 
lies  are  weekly  and  industriously  circulated 
through  every  corner  of  the  country.  A  plan  has 
been  systematis'd  and  brought  into  operation  not 
only  to  circulate,  but  also  to  perpetuate  to  distant 
posterity  the  disgraceful  licentiousness  of  the 
present  day !  Foreigners  who  have  fled  from  the 
gibbet  in  their  own  country  have  not  been  the 
least  industrious  in  fabricating  and  propagating 
calumny!  Two  of  the  states  have  manifest'd  the 
most  finish'd  detestation  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, and  have  openly  avow'd  against  it  senti- 
ments of  the  most  deadly  hostility.  An  officer 
(of)  under  the  constitution  has  had  the  hardihood 
to  call  on  his  fellow  citizens  to  resist  the  "tyran- 
ny" of  the  federal  government;  and  to  add  one 
more  circumstance  of  degradation  the  power  of 
the  government  is  inadequate  to  the  prevention 
of  sedition :  If  the  "sea  of  liberty"  is  to  continue 
thus  "tempestuous,"  May  God  grant  us  "the  calm" 
at  least  of  a  limited  monarchy. 

Belmont 

(My  God!)  Can  it  be  that  you  who  in  conversa- 
tion with  me,  have  so  open  extoll'd  the  characters 
of  those  undaunted  and  patriotic  heroes  who 
gloriously  effected  our  emancipation  from  the 
chains  of  a  foreign  despot,  can  it  be,  I  say  that 
you  are  now  for  crushing  our  liberties  and  sur- 


25 


rendering  them  into  the  hands  of  a  domestic  (one) 
tyrant?  Can  it  possibly  be  that  you  wish  to  see 
trampled  under  foot  the  freedom  of  your  country? 
and  is  that  maxim  of  tyrants  that  "Republican 
governments  cannot  be  perpetuated"  to  be  veri- 
fied under  our  meridian  ? 

Grenville 

If  you  think  my  sentiments  favorable  to  des- 
potism you  very  much  misconceive  them.  It  is 
beyond  your  power  to  point  out  a  single  syllable 
of  mine  which  conveys  that  idea.  A  Limited 
Monarchy  is  the  kind  of  government  I  have  in 
mind  when  I  speak  of  a  strong  government.  The 
people  of  this  country  at  the  formation  of  the  con- 
stitution having  previously  suffered  exceed- 
ingly from  the  oppression  of  the  British,  and  hav- 
ing but  just  emancipated  themselves  from  their 
tyranny  were  very  (excessively)  jealous  of  every- 
thing British,  and  of  course  were  exceedingly  cau- 
tious of  admitting  principles  of  government  recog- 
nis'd  by  the  English.  Owing  to  this  very  strong 
prejudice,  they  unfortunately  omitted  in  their 
constitution  some  principles  of  the  highest  and 
most  extensive  importance  the  want  of  which  has 
been  fully  elucidated  by  experience.  These  I  wish 
to  see  admitted  into  our  constitution,  because,  I 
believe  them  absolutely  requisite  to  the  perpetua- 
tion of  American  happiness. 

Belmont 

Grenville,  the  sole  object  of  your  arguments  is 
to  bring  us  back  into  the  arms  of  England.  They 


26 


are  the  arguments  of  the  whole  Anglo-monarchic 
aristocratic  junta.  But  sooner  than  go  back  to 
the  tyranny  of  that  imperious  nation  may  earth- 
quakes and  volcanoes  bury  in  undistinguish'd 
ruin  the  whole  American  continent. 

Grenville 

That  you,  Belmont,  should  attribute  my  attach- 
ment to  certain  principles  admitted  by  the  British 
to  a  predilection  for  that  nation  does  not  appear 
at  all  extraordinary;  Tis  perfectly  consonant  to 
your  usual  want  of  candour;  But,  Sir  (despising 
the  proverb  "Can  a  good  thing  come  out  of 
Nazareth?  and)  reflecting  that  a  fountain  not 
totally  corrupt  may  produce  some  pure  water, 
I  choose  to  select  what  is  good  from  whatever 
source  it  may  come.  I  am  far,  very  far,  from 
wishing  to  invest  any  or  all  branches  of  govern- 
ment with  unlimited  power — On  the  contrary  it 
is  my  desire  that  the  provinces  of  the  legislative, 
executive  and  judicial  authorities  be  kept  sepa- 
rate, that  a  limited  constitution  be  preserv'd  and 
that  the  powers  of  each  department  be  (limited) 
enclos'd  by  strong  (barriers)  fences:  Yet  (at  the 
same  time)  the  experience  of  only  thirteen  years 
has  amply  evinc'd  that  the  field  of  legislation  is 
in  some  respects  too  small,  and  that  the  powers 
of  the  executive  on  which  the  strength  of  gov- 
ernments principally  depend  are  few  and  too 
feeble,  it  is  therefore  my  desire  to  extend  the 
limits  of  the  ground  on  which  they  act  but  at  the 
same  time  to  enclose  that  ground  with  adaman- 
tine barriers. 


27 


Belmont 

(For  my  part  I  cannot)  Tis  impossible  for  me 
to  conceive  how  (it  is  possible  for)  you  (to)  can 
be  so  completely  blinded,  so  (wound  up)  envelop'd 
in  your  prejudice  in  favor  of  tyranny:  For  my 
part  I  have  (had)  experienced  quite  (enough)  a 
sufficiency  of  it  under  our  present  constitution 
and  how  you  can  wish  for  more  is  perfectly  as- 
tonishing. The  aristocrats  have  more  than  once 
(exceeded  their  constitutional  limits  though  which 
were  already  quite  too  extensive  and  have  there- 
by) made  encroachments  on  our  liberties  by  ex- 
ceeding their  constitutional  limits  which  of  them- 
selves were  quite  too  extensive.  The  precedent 
of  constitutional  transgression  is  establish'd  and 
threatens  with  furious  impetuosity  to  bear  away 
our  freedom!  But  thanks  to  the  industry  of 
"Republicans"  there  is  now  a  prospect  of  better 
times :  Soon  will  the  constitution  which  has  been 
characteris'd  as  a  "lilliputian  tie"  become  a 
"lilliputian  tie"  indeed — It  must  fall  a  sacrifice 
to  freedom.  Then  from  its  ashes  will  spring  up 
a  system  of  principles  consistent  with  the  "gen- 
uine rights  of  freemen." 

Grenville 

Pray,  Sir,  what  kind  of  system  would  that  be? 
What  kind  of  constitution  do  you  want? 

Belmont 

I  want  one  completely  destitute  of  those  non- 
sensical aristocratic  checks  and  balances  which 
serve  only  to  clog  the  operations  of  government: 


28 


Instead  of  one  which  speaks  only  of  the  rights 
of  rulers  and  tyrants,  I  want  one  which  recog- 
nises not  only  the  rights  but  the  power  of  the 
"sovereign  people" — one  similar  to  the  old  con- 
federation or  to  some  of  those  constitutions  which 
were  form'd  for  the  French  republic  between  the 
downfall  of  Monarchy  and  the  establishment  of 
consular  despotism. 

Grenville 

You  could  not  have  produc'd  an  example  which 
tends  more  directly  to  (establish  the  truth  of) 
corroborate  my  opinion.  Those  constitutions 
were  (certainly  the  most)  beautiful  theories  (the 
world  has  ever  seen)  ;  but  they  were  no  more  fit 
for  the  government  of  that  nation  than  ships  of 
paper  for  the  purpose  of  merchandise.  Though 
every  part  of  a  constitution  should  be  deem'd 
sacred  and  inviolable,  yet  the  fickleness,  the  licen- 
tiousness and  the  ignorance  of  that  people  were 
so  great  that  their  rulers  (were  necessitated) 
thought  it  necessary  to  transgress  their  constitu- 
tional limits  and  in  consequence  of  that  trans- 
gression have  exercis'd  a  tyranny  unparallell'd 
in  the  annals  of  despotism;  and  'tis  remarkable 
that  ever  since  the  abolition  of  monarchy  at  which 
time  a  very  democratical  constitution  was  adopt- 
ed, they  have  been  verging  back  through  a  series 
of  stronger  and  stronger  constitutions  to  their 
ancient  despotism,  and  they  now  have  (now)  a 
government,  which  on  account  of  its  energy  bids 
fair  to  be  permanent,  (Lawrence  enters) 
and  under  the  influence  of  which  (General) 
Bounaparte  has  been  able  to  restore  a  general 

29 


tranquility  to  the  nation  and  in  the  space  of  only 
two  months  to  shake  to  its  foundations  the  throne 
of  the  German  Emperor !  If  you  wish  for  another 
example,  I  will  produce  that  of  Great  Britain. 
Her  government  is  by  no  means  so  concentrated 
as  that  of  France ;  Yet  under  its  auspices  she  has 
carried  the  arts  and  sciences  to  a  very  high  de- 
gree of  perfection,  has  render'd  her  soil  [which 
by  nature  is  (poor)  not  above  mediocrity]  produc- 
tive of  everything  necessary  for  the  happiness  of 
man,  and  at  the  same  time  has  (preserv'd)  at- 
tained the  first  rank  among  nations.  The  (force- 
able)  powerful  government  of  that  country  places 
her  in  a  proud  situation.  She  has  long  been  and 
still  continues  the  mistress  of  the  ocean,  and  while 
the  independence  of  other  nations  has  been  tram- 
pled under  foot,  she  has  stood  firm  amid  the  con- 
vulsions of  falling  empires,  the  only  European  ref- 
uge of  arts,  sciences  and  everything  that  dignifies 
human  nature. 

Belmont 

Lawrence!  (is  not)  Does  it  not  excite  your 
warmest  indignation  (excited  when  you)  to  hear 
an  American  so  warmly  advocating  the  interest 
of  the  British?  To  my  unspeakable  regret  & 
mortification  I  find  that  those  (God  like)  gen- 
erous sentiments  which  once  actuated  the  breast 
of  Grenville  and  prompted  him  to  resist  the 
aggressions  of  tyranny  have  quitted  their  ancient 
residence:  He  who  once  pray'd  for  the  success 
of  republicanism  now  advcates  the  cause  of 
despotism!  To  me  Sir  'tis  astonishing  that  a 


30 


man  of  common  sense  should  attempt  to  defend 
even  the  stronger  principles  recognis'd  by  our 
constitution,  much  (less)  more  those  of  monar- 
chy; but  however  surprising,  it  is  but  too  true; 
the  spirit  of  liberty  (is  entirely  extinguish'd) 
throughout  New  England  is  completely  extin- 
quish'd;  the  whole  body  of  the  Yankees  with  a 
very  few  exceptions,  are  bound  down  by  the  chains 
of  superstition  and  priestcraft,  and  to  their  ever- 
lasting dishonor  they  are  using  no  means  to  effect 
their  emancipation:  and  I  confess  my  surprise 
would  not  be  great,  if  in  one  year  from  this  time 
they  should  be  legislating  concerning  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  inquisition:  All  this  rascality 
originates  in  the  hypocritical  brains  of  those 
"black  coated"  bigots  with  whom  this  country  is 
inundated.  This  disgraceful  torpor  has  not  yet 
gain'd  extensive  ground  in  the  other  states,  but 
to  prevent  it  the  most  vigorous  exertions  are  nec- 
essary. If  we  do  not  preserve  alive  the  sacred 
flame  of  liberty  fire  &  fagot  will  soon  assume 
sovereign  &  universal  dominion. 

Grenville 

Lawrence,  you  perceive  by  Belmont's  conversa- 
tion the  amazing  extent  of  his  prejudices.  He 
has  express'd  the  utmost  venom  against  religion, 
&  during  the  course  of  our  conversation  he  has 
reproach'd  for  its  aristocratical  principles  that 
constitution  which  does  not  possess  sufficient 
energy  for  its  own  protection.  This,  Lawrence, 
has  been  the  uniform  language  of  all  the  op- 
posers  of  the  present  administration.  "Federal 
villainy  and  ecclesiastical  imposture"  have  been 

31 


the  darling  themes  of  every  disorganizer  from 
Phillip  Freneau  down  to  James  Lyon:  Do  you 
suppose  Sir  that  the  peacable  &  industrious 
Yankees  can  sit  still  and  look  in  silence  on  such 
infamous  conduct?  Ever  since  the  adoption  of 
the  federal  constitution  these  wretches  with  un- 
ceasing industry  have  been  attempting  its  over- 
throw: My  wishes  are  but  the  consequences  of 
their  conduct;  though  I  have  been  an  ardent 
friend  to  the  constitution  &  have  ever  felt  myself 
much  interested  in  its  preservation  yet  when  its 
energy  is  not  sufficient  to  punish  the  traiterous 
disorganizers  who  have  been  alienating  the  affec- 
tions of  the  people  from  the  administration  & 
who  have  calumniated  the  most  God-like  charac- 
ters under  heaven  &  when  in  fact  nothing  is 
sufficiently  sacred  to  escape  the  most  deadly  in- 
vective I  confess  I  wish  for  a  change  I  wish  for  a 
government  sufficiently  energetic  to  crush  the 
head  of  faction  &  trample  into  the  dust  these  dis- 
organising wretches. 

Lawrence 

Since  gentlemen  you  have  severally  appeal'd 
to  me  as  the  arbiter  of  your  dispute  &  since  I 
am  well  acquainted  with  your  favourite  senti- 
ments I  will  freely  suggest  my  own.  Although 
I  believe  gentlemen  that  you  both  love  your 
country  you  will  pardon  me  for  saying  that  you 
both  proceed  too  far  in  your  favorite  schemes. 
You  Mr.  Belmont  are  a  disciple  in  the  modern 
school  of  republicanism.  You  are  an  enthusiast 
for  the  rights  of  the  people  &  for  the  exclu- 
sive utility  of  a  pure  democracy.  Permit  me  Sir 

32 


to  say  that  your  scheme  is  totally  impracticable  & 
will  ever  be  so  as  long  as  mankind  sustain  their 
present  character.  In  proportion  as  a  govern- 
ment is  destitute  of  physical  power,  it  must  de- 
pend upon  public  opinion.  Unless  the  public 
opinion  is  enlightened  by  information  &  directed 
by  virtue,  how  can  it  discriminate  between  good 
and  bad  measure?  &  what  motive  will  induce 
it  to  reject  the  one  &  embrace  the  other?  Yet 
you  will  acknowledge  that  this  intelligence  in  dis- 
criminating and  this  virtue  in  choosing  are  the 
pillars  of  republicanism.  Remove  them  and  the 
fabric  tumbles  to  the  ground.  Where  then  Sir 
are  the  nations  thus  enlighten'd  &  thus  virtu- 
ous? 

The  American  nation  have  probably  approx- 
imated nearer  to  this  ideal  perfection  than  any 
nation  ever  did;  But  Sir  cast  your  eyes  over 
Asia  and  Africa  and  you  won't  find  a  single  spot 
of  earth  where  your  republican  ideas  will  thrive ; 
they  be  blasted  in  the  very  germ  and  dwindle 
into  nothing.  In  Europe  the  case  is  not  much 
better.  Switzerland  and  Britain  are  almost  the 
only  countries  which  exhibit  any  semblance  of 
national  intelligence  &  virtue;  The  first  of  these 
has  drunk  so  deep  of  the  bitter  cup  of  modern 
republicanism  that  she  has  fallen  perhaps  never 
to  rise  more;  and  Britain  has  been  compell'd  to 
assume  an  attitude  so  warlike  &  to  strenghten  the 
sinews  of  her  government  in  so  extraordinary 
a  manner  that  it  will  be  long  before  she  will  listen 
to  the  charm.  In  our  own  country  then  must  the 
experiment  be  made,  if  it  is  made  at  all.  But  even 
here  Sir  it  is  my  decided  opinion  that  a  greater 


33 


degree  of  liberty  cannot  exist  without  licentious- 
ness. No  honest  man  in  the  United  States  feels 
himself  at  all  restrained  in  his  liberty :  We  attend 
to  our  business  in  perfect  security  and  enjoy  the 
protection  of  the  laws;  What  greater  degree  of 
freedom  can  be  desired?  Anything  more  would 
certainly  impair  our  personal  security  &  create 
the  very  evil  which  you  wish  to  avoid.  You  have 
said  Sir  that  the  stronger  principles  of  our  con- 
stitution are  indefensible.  Was  not  the  present 
constitution  framed  to  supply  the  deficiences  of 
the  old  confederation?*  That  confederation  like 
a  crazy  building  shook  with  every  blast  & 
threatened  to  crush  with  its  fall  those  whom  it 
was  rais'd  to  protect:  Will  you  then  revile  this 
constitution  for  the  very  excellence  of  which  the 
other  was  destitute?  The  frequent  elections  of 
our  legislative  and  executive  officers  &  their 
ultimate  dependence  upon  the  people  give  us  the 
most  perfect  security  against  their  encroach- 
ments. We  who  made  can  unmake  them  and  re- 
duce them  at  the  exporation  of  their  respective 
periods  to  the  level  of  citizens.  If  our  constitution 
possess'd  less  energy  it  would  grow  weaker  & 
weaker  from  constant  attacks  &  at  length  expire 
from  mere  debility.  The  New  England  states  Sir 
have  been  characteris'd  by  you  as  the  subjects  of 
priestcraft,  political  delusion  &  lethargic  torpor. 
I  must  be  allow'd  to  say  Sir  that  the  very  intelli- 
gence &  virtue  which  I  have  before  mentioned  as 
the  sole  supports  of  republicanism  have  produc'd 
in  New  England  that  dignified  calmness  which 
you  are  pleas'd  to  style  torpor.  A  very  great  ma- 
jority of  the  people  of  New  England  are  so  en- 


34 


lighten'd  as  to  perceive  that  the  constitution  and 
administration  of  our  country  are  in  general  the 
best  which  human  wisdom  can  devise  &  they 
are  therefore  resolv'd  to  support  them  to  the  last. 
The  people  of  New  England  repel  with  manly  in- 
dignation the  charge  of  delusion  and  ignorance 
&  you  must  pardon  me  Sir  for  expressing  upon 
this  subject  that  warmth  which  as  a  New  Eng- 
lander  I  shall  ever  feel  when  my  countrymen  are 
thus  wantonly  insulted. 

Grenville 

But  Mr.  Belmont  you  will  certainly  concede 
that  the  design  of  government  is  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  society  and  experience  proves 
that  happiness  cannot  exist  without  government ; 
of  course  the  existence  of  happiness  depends  on 
the  permanency  of  government.  Hence  I  argue 
that  every  government  should  be  invested  with 
powers  adequate  to  its  own  protection;  other- 
wise the  end  for  which  government  was  originally 
instituted  cannot  be  answered.  Now  experience 
plainly  tells  us  that  our  federal  government  is  not 
sufficiently  energetic  for  its  own  preservation. 
The  consummate  abilities  of  some  of  the  greatest 
statesmen  the  world  ever  saw  have  but  just 
rescued  from  the  jaws  of  death  our  present  form 
of  government:  Notwithstanding  the  utmost 
stretch  of  their  wisdom  it  is  on  the  brink  of  the 
precipice  &  anarchy  threatens  to  show  her  head : 
What  then  but  total  destruction  can  we  expect 
from  the  exertions  of  characters  less  unexception- 
able? Hence  I  deduce  the  necessity  of  establish- 
ing a  form  of  government  containing  within  itself 


35 


energy  adequate  to  its  preservation,  &  that  form 
must  be  a  limited  monarchy. 

Lawrence 

Mr.  Grenville  I  perfectly  agree  with  you  in 
the  general  principles  which  you  lay  down  but 
In  your  application  of  them  to  this  country  you 
are  unquestionably  wrong.  The  Federal  Con- 
stitution with  a  few  exceptions  appears  to  me 
to  be  the  very  best  which  human  wisdom  can  de- 
vise for  a  country  like  ours.  I  do  not  say  that  it 
would  be  the  best  for  all  other  countries.  Differ- 
ent states  of  society  require  different  forms  of 
government,  just  as  the  various  magnitudes  and 
proportions  of  human  bodies  demand  correspond- 
ing magnitudes  &  proportions  in  the  clothing  by 
which  they  are  covered.  You  think  our  constitu- 
tion deficient  in  energy:  But  Sir  in  what  has 
this  deficiency  appeared?  The  government  has 
crush'd  without  bloodshed  two  alarming  insurrec- 
tions, it  has  extinguished  a  formidable  Indian  war 
&  still  keeps  those  restless  nations  in  awe  by  the 
warlike  attitude  of  our  frontiers.  It  has  rais'd 
almost  by  magic  a  respectable  navy  which  has 
afforded  efficient  protection  to  our  commerce.  The 
American  cannon  are  at  this  moment  riding  on 
the  seas  of  Europe  &  the  waters  of  both  the  In- 
dies. By  the  assumption  of  the  debts  contracted 
during  the  late  war  public  credit  is  establish'd 
Sir  at  this  moment  superior  to  that  of  any  other 
nation.  An  efficient  system  of  revenue  is  found — 
such  a  system  of  internal  regulations  has  been 
adopted  as  has  produced  an  unexampl'd  degree  of 


36 


happiness  throughout  the  nation — Our  commerce 
is  commensurate  with  the  globe  &  notwithstand- 
ing our  multiplied  hopes  from  practical  depreda- 
tions every  newspaper  is  fill'd  with  accounts  of 
arrivals  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Our  most 
retir'd  forests  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  the 
Ohio  &  the  lakes  begin  to  resound  with  the  in- 
struments of  cultivation,  &  our  whole  country 
in  her  cities,  towns,  villages,  hamlets  &  farms 
exhibits  incontestible  proofs  of  prosperity  and 
happiness:  Such  facts  Mr.  Grenville  evince  to 
(every)  my  mind  beyond  all  controversy  the  op- 
erations of  an  efficient  &  equitable  government. 

Grenville 

But  notwithstanding  this  Mr.  Lawrence,  the 
administration  has  been  uniformly  condemn'd. 
Invective  has  been  the  order  of  the  day:  No 
virtuous  &  dignified  character  who  has  had  any 
share  in  the  government,  not  even  Washington 
has  been  able  to  escape  the  shafts  of  calumny; 
in  addition  to  this  in  some  parts  of  the  United 
States,  a  large  portion  of  the  people  are  disgrace- 
fully ignorant;  They  are  extremely  backward  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  means  of  knowledge.  This 
want  of  information  is  not  compatible  with  the 
existence  of  a  free  government  &  can  be  ren- 
dered tolerable  only  under  a  limited  monarchy. 
(exhibited)  (villages)  (villages)  (hamlets  and 
farms.) 

Lawrence 

I  lament  Sir  as  much  as  any  man  the  party 
dissensions  which  prevail  in  our  country  &  the 


37 


447257 


universal  calumny  of  which  you  so  justly  com- 
plain. But  as  the  present  rancour  of  party 
spirit  deriv'd  its  origin  from  the  peculiar  state 
of  the  European  World  I  entertain  the  hope  that 
the  fever  will  before  long  subside  at  least  in  such 
a  degree  that  it  will  become  tolerable.  Calumny 
is  the  legitimate  offspring  of  parties;  If  there- 
fore there  is  any  ground  to  hope  for  the  mitigation 
of  party  spirit  there  is  the  same  ground  to  hope 
for  the  cessation  of  calumny.  But  Sir  freedom  of 
enquiry  will  always  produce  variety  of  opinion 
&  those  who  adopt  similar  sentiments  will  al- 
ways unite  until  they  have  f orm'd  a  party.  These 
parties  ever  have  existed  under  free  governments 
&  ever  will  exist.  Party  spirit  is  the  price  of 
liberty  &  calumny  is  the  price  of  distinguish'd 
stations  &  talents.  The  most  that  can  be  ex- 
pected in  any  human  society  is  that  the  majority 
will  rally  round  the  standard  of  order  &  good 
government.  Such  has  hitherto  been  the  fact  in 
our  country  &  I  trust  it  will  continue  to  be.  I 
acknowledge  that  ignorance  &  licentiousness  are 
prevalent  in  some  parts  of  the  union  to  an  alarm- 
ing degree  but  the  national  character  in  this  re- 
spect is  improving  &  I  trust  that  even  now  there 
is  so  much  intelligence  and  virtue  in  the  great 
body  of  the  people  that  they  will  still  support  the 
government  of  their  choice  in  opposition  to  every 
party. 

But  Mr.  (Belmont)  Grenville  I  cannot  without 
the  deepest  concern  hear  you  advocate  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  monarchy  in  this  country.  I  am  a 
federalist  and  my  sentiments  are  in  unison  with 
those  of  the  majority  of  the  people  of  New  Eng- 


38 


land  &  I  solemnly  declare  to  you  chat  I  will  ever 
oppose  as  far  as  my  influence  extends  the  propa- 
gation of  this  idea.  The  people  of  America  Sir 
are  too  enlightened  &  too  virtuous  either  to 
need  or  submit  to  a  monarchy.  I  repeat 
the  sentiment  Sir  that  we  have  a  constitution  per- 
fectly graduated  to  our  state  of  society.  If  it  was 
more  free  in  any  extensive  degree  it  would  go  to 
destruction — If  it  was  more  monarchical  it  would 
infringe  the  liberties  of  the  people.  In  its  present 
form  I  consider  it  as  applied  to  this  country  a 
masterpiece  of  human  sagacity. — Mr.  Grenville 
since  you  have  spoken  so  decidedly  in  favour  of 
monarchy  I  beg  your  indulgence  while  I  call  your 
attention  for  a  few  moments  to  this  subject.  You 
will  acknowledge  the  English  monarchy  since  the 
conquest  to  be  as  fair  an  exhibition  of  the  effects 
of  that  form  of  government  as  any  on  which  his- 
tory affords.  Since  that  period  thirty-four  mon- 
archs  have  sat  on  the  English  throne.  Of  those 
15  comprehending  in  their  reigns  a  period  of  320 
years  have  been  either  lawless  tyrants  trampling 
on  all  law  and  right  or  so  lamentably  weak  that 
the  kingdom  has  fallen  into  all  the  anarchy  of 
the  most  dissolute  democracy.  This  period  if  we 
deduct  the  duration  of  the  republic  comprehends 
nearly  half  of  the  whole  time  since  the  conquest. 
Of  the  remaining  19  sovereigns  some  have  pos- 
sess'd  the  best  intentions  but  without  talents  suffi- 
cient to  insure  the  happiness  of  their  people. 
Others  have  been  so  exclusively  attach'd  to  for- 
eign countries  &  foreign  alliances  as  to  sacrifice 
anything  to  them,  &  even  those  who  claim  our 
highest  admiration  exhibit  but  imperfect  models 


39 


of  that  excellence  which  ought  ever  to  characterise 
a  monarch.  Even  the  memory  of  the  great  Elisa- 
beth is  tarnish'd  with  premeditated  cruelty,  hy- 
pocrasy  &  falsehood.  My  time  forbids  the  proof 
of  these  assertions  by  the  production  of  particular 
facts,  but  any  person  who  will  read  the  history  of 
England  will  find  that  nation  to  have  been  groan- 
ing under  domestic  oppression,  struggling  with 
anarchy  or  exhausted  by  foreign  wars  during  a 
very  great  part  of  its  existence.  Its  court  has  at 
most  times  been  the  focus  of  corruption.  The  idea 
of  the  representation  of  the  commons  is  even  at 
this  day  little  more  than  a  pretense ;  &  even  in  the 
enlighten'd  reign  of  George  2nd  Sir  Robert  Wai- 
pole  was  heard  to  boast  that  he  could  purchase  any 
man  in  the  kingdom  &  always  insure  a  minis- 
terial majority  in  the  house  of  Commons.  An 
hereditary  monarchy  Mr.  Grenville  must  be  sup- 
ported by  an  hereditary  aristocracy;  of  course  a 
nation  must  perpetually  be  in  danger  of  receiv- 
ing very  weak  or  wicked  men  for  its  princes  & 
senators. 

For  these  reasons  I  am  confident  the  people 
of  our  country  will  never  voluntarily  submit 
themselves  to  a  monarchy.  I  have  but  one  life 
&  that  I  will  most  cheerfully  sacrifice  in  defense 
of  the  present  constitution  &  in  opposition  to  the 
claims  both  of  monarchists  &  disorganizers.  I 
will  never  consent  to  see  in  my  county  a  corrupt 
court  driving  in  splendor  over  the  necks  of  the 
people,  nor  an  ambit  (iwus)  ious  demagogue 
playing  the  tyrant  with  the  cap  of  liberty  on 
his  head  &  the  olive  branch  in  his  hand.  These 
Sir  are  the  sentiments  of  the  great  body  of  New 


40 


England  people;  and  their  rapid  extensive  mi- 
grations to  every  part  of  the  American  empire  will 
essentially  contribute  to  their  dissemination,  (fix- 
ture of  hatred  of  regularity  and  good  order.  They 
are  fully  persuaded  that  while  a  general  diffusion 
of  learning  is  the  principal  pillar  of  the  constitu- 
tion, the  maintenance  of  the  present  government 
will  contribute  is  its  promotion  &  dissemination.) 

Belmont 

Do  you  think  that  the  poor  degraded  supposi- 
tious  people  of  New  England  are  capable  of  rea- 
soning thus  learnedly  on  the  nature  of  govern- 
ment &  of  devising  means  for  its  support?  En- 
chain'd  by  the  fetters  of  priestcraft  instead  of 
diffusing  salutary  knowledge  they  inculcate  upon 
the  minds  of  the  rising  generation  sentiments 
favourable  to  ecclesiastical  domination.  The  un- 
bounded influence  of  the  clergy  has  almost  pav'd 
the  way  for  the  introduction  of  popery  and 
unless  the  spirit  of  vigilance  is  wide  awake,  we 
shall  ere  long  be  prostrating  ourselves  on  the  dust 
&  kissing  the  feet  of  some  Holy  Father. 

Lawrence 

Your  indiscriminate  abuse  of  the  clergy  Mr. 
Belmont  is  indicative  of  a  total  want  of  candor 
and  I  am  sorry  to  say  of  great  depravity  of  heart. 
No  class  of  men  in  society  are  better  friends  to 
the  liberties  of  the  people  than  the  clergy  of 
New  England.  They  are  the  unceasing  advo- 
cates of  science,  good  order  &  good  morals,  & 
no  class  of  men  appears  less  infected  with  the  de- 


41 


moralising  ambition  of  the  present  day.  During 
those  perilous  times  when  the  stoutest  hearts  dis- 
pair'd  of  America's  success  the  clergy  nobly  stood 
forward  &  by  their  tongues  &  pens  stimulated 
their  drooping  countrymen  to  the  combat,  &  to 
the  everlasting  honor  of  the  American  clergy  be 
it  remember'd  that  no  class  of  men  ever  em- 
bark'd  in  the  cause  of  liberty  with  more  firmness 
and  intrepidity.  Since  the  revolution  their  pa- 
triotic exertions  have  been  equally  meritorious. 
But  it  has  not  been  unusual  for  men  after  having 
render'd  to  mankind  the  most  important  services 
to  meet  with  ingratitude ! 

Grenville 

The  more  invective  I  hear  the  more  I  wish  for 
a  strong  government.  History  sacred  &  pro- 
fane as  well  as  our  own  short  experience  pro- 
claim in  language  louder  than  the  thunders  of 
heaven,  that  for  turbulent  and  licentious  nations 
governments  of  persuasion  are  no  better  than 
scarecrows  &  fit  only  for  the  patriotic  &  en- 
lightened citizens  of  Utopia;  &  unless  we  soon 
adopt  an  energetic  government  I  expect  to  see  this 
country  plunged  from  the  precipice  on  the  brink  of 
which  she  now  totters  to  the  depths  of  infamy  & 
ruin. 

Belmont 

The  History  of  the  world  from  the  most  ancient 
times  to  the  present  day  proves  that  kings  are 
but  friends  I  shall  therefore  consider  the  man 
who  attempts  the  introduction  of  monarchy  into 


42 


this  country  as  a  foe  not  only  to  the  present  gen- 
eration but  of  millions  yet  unborn. 

Grenville 

And  I  shall  ever  look  upon  that  man  who  at- 
tempts to  introduce  into  his  country  those  demor- 
alising principles  that  have  shaken  the  founda- 
tions of  civil  society  and  produced  incalcuable 
misery  throughout  Europe  as  an  assassin  not 
only  of  those  now  on  the  earth  but  of  remotest 
posterity. 

Lawrence 

Our  present  government  is  a  mean  between 
monarchy  and  democracy;  it  partakes  of  the 
evils  &  advantages  of  both.  The  extensive  na- 
tional prosperity  which  has  been  the  effect  of 
its  adoption  loudly  demands  its  preservation. 
Should  the  violent  efforts  of  parties  accomplish 
its  destruction,  that  event  would  most  certainly 
produce  the  triumph  of  despotism.  Liberty  which 
in  '75  stimulated  the  American  patriot  to  die  for 
his  country  would  then  be  recollected  only  as  a 
fascinating  dream.  The  aged  father  would  go 
down  to  the  grave  with  the  most  melancholy  an- 
ticipations for  the  fate  of  his  posterity.  The  phil- 
anthropist would  drop  a  tear  when  reflecting  that 
fetters  &  chains  are  the  lot  of  man.  Posterity 
weeping  over  the  tombs  of  their  ancestors  would 
mourn  the  vanity  of  human  institutions  &  in 
their  fate  perceive  the  transitoriness  of  earthly 
grandor.  Republican  governments  would  then  be 
considered  as  "transient  meteors"  which  excite 


43 


the  admiration  of  the  world  for  a  few  fleeting  mo- 
ments &  then  disappear.  (But  gentlemen)  To 
prevent  their  dismal  consequences  let  us  resolve 
to  support  our  present  government,  &  dismiss 
our  theorising  plans  of  pure  democracy  and  lim- 
ited monarchy.  In  either  case  we  should  be  equal- 
ly slaves.  In  the  first  to  the  dreadful  tyranny  of 
the  sovereign  people  and  in  the  last  to  the  more 
regular  despotism  of  an  individual  sovereign  & 
a  corrupt  court. 

Our  constitution  with  few  exceptions  is  per- 
haps the  best  which  can  be  devis'd  for  our 
country.  If  it  continues  to  be  administered  with 
virtue  firmness  &  dignity  it  will  grow  more  solid 
with  the  resolution  of  time.  As  our  unculti- 
vated regions  become  populated,  an  indefinite 
number  of  states  may  be  form'd  each  depending 
in  regular  connection  upon  every  other,  support- 
ing &  supported.  We  may  then  see  a  mighty 
empire  circumscrib'd  within  the  Mississippi,  the 
lakes  &  the  ocean  &  those  great  waters 
freighted  with  the  produce  of  every  climate.  In 
short  Gentlemen  if  we  preserve  the  constitution 
inviolate  there  is  no  height  of  national  greatness 
or  private  felicity  to  which  we  may  not  aspire. 
Let  us  then  firmly  adhere  to  it  in  every  event  & 
making  Washington's  valedictory  address  the 
guide  of  our  political  conduct  transmit  to  poster- 
ity the  invaluable  treasure  of  a  constitution  ener- 
getic without  tyranny  &  free  without  licentious- 
ness. 


44 


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